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ÖgeReconsidering urban political theory: A care based approach(Graduate School, 2023-06-20)The first urban political theory was shaped by discussion of power relations in urban space. It regarded urban areas as where individuals, elites, or businesses compete for power to shape. Critical of this power-focused approach, Marxist theorists Castells and Harvey expanded the vision of urban political theory scope that mostly focused on processes of urban place and urbanization that harbors complexity and networks of relations of production and reproduction in capitalist society. Yet, this expansion was not inclusive enough for posty-positions of urban political theory; post-structuralist, post-colonialist, and post-Marxist theories argued that some of the human-related aspects which are directly or indirectly related to inclusion and exclusion in urban routines have been overlooked or missed by early theories. For example, the meanings communities attributed to specific public places, or individual attachments to private places were not elaborated until Tuan did so. Later urban political theories affiliated with care have been put by Lawson, Williams, and Till. Considering that humans are interdependent social and political actors who are simultaneously caregiving and care-receiving on a daily basis, I question the ways to make the urban political theory more inclusive. In finding inclusive urban political theory, the research benefits two concepts: oppression and intersectionality. Urban daily life experiences are affiliated with spatial and other forms of oppression implying that relations with designed space might imply a relation of domination. Harvey's definition of urbanization as an active process of hegemonically configuring the space with different ends brings about at least two contrast groups at a moment. Yet, when urban daily life is observed, the different kinds of multidimensional conflicts would be seen in terms of race, class, ethnicity, ability, age, gender, sex, and income taking place contextually. Indeed, as long as the urban political theory rejects interconnecting urban daily life experiences with oppression, it may not be able to achieve the targeted inclusivity of all since it will be lacking contextual inquiry. In this regard, I suggest the usage of intersectional methodology, a critical approach that provides the possibility of focusing on interlocking social categories such as class, gender, race, ethnicity, age, and ability while doing qualitative and quantitative social research to recognize and define individuals' and groups' unique biographies to reveal the hidden sorts of oppression embedded in the human actions. Discussions of oppression in intersectional scope reveals that care-based approach promises an inclusive urban political theory that can also covers overlooked-missed dimensions, namely emotions, contextuality, and relationality. Interdependency derives from the fact that humans are moral agents with autonomy, their agency is not atomistic and independent but shaped by relations that include emotions and contexts. Based on Joan Tronto's approach to democratic caring, urban societies could be evaluated through a care perspective. An analysis of who gets how much care in the urban context determines which needs are met and which are not would be a pointed start. I argue that urban political theory can identify urban problems through a care-based analysis by the method of intersectionality, and provide an alternative through attentive and responding care policies considering the interdependent and contextual characters of the relations within the society in order to reach out to the inclusivity concerning changing dynamics and contexts.
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ÖgePolitics of fear: investigating the role of potential use of power in restricting citizen's freedom(Graduate School, 2023-06-15)This thesis investigates the implications of political fear emotion. It aims to investigate the potential consequences of political fear. This study examines the emotion of fear in relation to both ethics and politics. While fear enables individuals to escape threats and dangers, thereby facilitating their survival through functional outcomes, it also possesses a quality that significantly complicates their lives. Under the influence of the power that generates fear, individuals find themselves compelled to engage in actions they would otherwise not undertake. Within the realm of politics, where power hierarchies are most visible, the power representing political authority influences the actions of citizens who do not possess an equivalent level of power through the means of fear. This situation generates negative ethical and political consequences in the domain of politics where power is not determined by law. This study argues that the emotion of political fear is utilized by the political authority, which represents political power and its potential for exerting power to restrict the freedom of citizens. In order to establish a strong foundation for the arguments in this thesis, the description of fear in the classical and modern periods is initially presented. Considering the relationship between the emotion of fear and politics, and therefore power and freedom, a comprehensive definition of fear is put forward. The various components of the emotion of fear and how they contribute to its qualitative nature are demonstrated. Based on these findings, it is emphasized that the use of power is one of the creative elements of fear. Along with this claim, it is highlighted that not only the direct use of violence but also the possibility of power usage generates the emotion of fear. Consequently, it is proposed that the emotion of fear has the potential to reveal authoritative structures with power in politics. While acknowledging the necessity of the limited use of power for ordered and peaceful societies, it is revealed that the arbitrary usage and accessibility of power lead to political fear among citizens, thereby limiting their freedom. As political authorities with power, which cause citizens to experience political fear, have the capability to manipulate their decisions and actions, it is argued that the created atmosphere of political fear undermines personal autonomy. It is concluded that for citizens to live in a free society, they need to be free from political fear. To make freedom possible, it is claimed that the power of political authorities that produce or have the potential to produce political fear should be restricted. To eliminate political fear, this power needs to be limited by rational institutions or dispersed among citizens. Only through this process can it be demonstrated that freedom, which is eradicated by political fear, can fully emerge. Citizens have a need for freedom because freedom is a vital necessity by having its intrinsic value, and people would otherwise suffer without it.
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ÖgeWhat justifies resistance? Resistance as the necessity of freedom(Institute of Science and Technology, 2016-06-02)The present thesis zeroes in directly on resistance and the question of how to justify resistance. In this study, resistance as a basic relational element is discussed not only as a political event but also as a natural becoming. In sovereignty theory, the boundaries of the right of resistance are drawn in accordance with law. However, since Power spreads beyond the frame defined by law, resistance overflows this frame. Thus we face a question of justification that is not determined by legitimization. To be able to focus on an extralegal right, going back to power relations is essential. The main argument of the present thesis is that the right of resistance is an effort to stay in being naturally and to affirm its power; that it can never be handed over or limited by law and that it is opposed to all forms of Power. A natural right is preserved in civil state, as well. That is why resistance as an expression of power is first separated from the domination of the fictional subject and laid within the framework of power relations. The subjective elements of resistance are worked through on epistemological terms and its objective elements on ontological terms and these terms form the basis respectively of speculative -based on consciousness- and actual -based on power- components. A resistance, considering the way it manifests itself, can be classified according to its quantitative, contextual and instrumental features. The types are decided upon considering affirmation and negation functions independently of form. What renders resistance meaningful and valuable is its affirmative and negative role in power relations. While handling bodies and becomings in, neglecting their affections or defining them as utopic subjects lead us to fall into some kind of a fallacy incompatible with the human nature. Therefore, a body strives to stay in being and increase its power of acting to the extent that its power as its essence defines its right. Negation has to be reduced to being a speculative and secondary element of resistance in regard to increment of power. As for the right of resistance, it is justified to the extent it can lead to that and it can produce life while refraining from nihilism –which is affirming difference in other words.