LEE- Siyaset Çalışmaları Lisansüstü Programı

Bu topluluk için Kalıcı Uri

http://hdl.handle.net/11527/19463

Gözat

What justifies resistance? Resistance as the necessity of freedom

(Institute of Science and Technology, 2016-06-02) Giray, Görkem ; Koçan, Gürcan ; 419131004 ; Political Studies

The present thesis zeroes in directly on resistance and the question of how to justify resistance. In this study, resistance as a basic relational element is discussed not only as a political event but also as a natural becoming. In sovereignty theory, the boundaries of the right of resistance are drawn in accordance with law. However, since Power spreads beyond the frame defined by law, resistance overflows this frame. Thus we face a question of justification that is not determined by legitimization. To be able to focus on an extralegal right, going back to power relations is essential. The main argument of the present thesis is that the right of resistance is an effort to stay in being naturally and to affirm its power; that it can never be handed over or limited by law and that it is opposed to all forms of Power. A natural right is preserved in civil state, as well. That is why resistance as an expression of power is first separated from the domination of the fictional subject and laid within the framework of power relations. The subjective elements of resistance are worked through on epistemological terms and its objective elements on ontological terms and these terms form the basis respectively of speculative -based on consciousness- and actual -based on power- components. A resistance, considering the way it manifests itself, can be classified according to its quantitative, contextual and instrumental features. The types are decided upon considering affirmation and negation functions independently of form. What renders resistance meaningful and valuable is its affirmative and negative role in power relations. While handling bodies and becomings in, neglecting their affections or defining them as utopic subjects lead us to fall into some kind of a fallacy incompatible with the human nature. Therefore, a body strives to stay in being and increase its power of acting to the extent that its power as its essence defines its right. Negation has to be reduced to being a speculative and secondary element of resistance in regard to increment of power. As for the right of resistance, it is justified to the extent it can lead to that and it can produce life while refraining from nihilism –which is affirming difference in other words.
Contemplating climate justice with the natural law:The application of climate citizenship through public policies at the local level

(Graduate School, 2022) Kızmaz, Melih Can ; Koçan, Gürcan ; 719597 ; Political Studies M.A. Programme

This study argues the concept of climate justice. It provides a lens towards how the word justice have been conceptualized from climate justice scholars and how the scope of justice is considered within climate justice literature. This study contends that climate justice can be achieved if and only if from the basis of natural laws and public policy and local justice are necessary for the implication of these rights. In order to establish a well-grounded debate for this thesis, first, justice is argued as an essentially contested concept. Justice as an essentially contested concept can be understood from substantive and procedural accounts based on their consequentialist and process-oriented perspectives. In addition to this, throughout the history the word justice also has been thought alongside with an issue such as the lack of freedom. Due to this, concepts of environmental justice and climate justice can be regarded as contemporary conceptions of issue-oriented thinking of justice. Thus, since both concepts mainly have considered the lack of justice as an anthropocentric and substantive issue. But these concepts have overlooked to discuss that how decision-making bodies have structured, what is the role of rational agents, and is there any place for non-anthropocentric world within climate change policies. Though, justice should be considered from procedural perspective and natural law account of justice because of considering justice as an intrinsic value, people have a practical reason and the good of nature is indispensable from the good of people presents an encompassing view. Furthermore, climate justice studies have also overlooked the issue of the importance of the basic rights -climate citizenship rights- of all living beings because without ensuring the basic rights of all, climate justice cannot be achieved. Therefore, through considering public policy and local justice theories we can understand how decision-making process has shaped and how climate citizenship rights can be applied.
Politics of fear: investigating the role of potential use of power in restricting citizen's freedom

(Graduate School, 2023-06-15) Sezgin Aksu, Ayşe Nur ; Koşan, Gürcan ; 419181002 ; Political Studies

This thesis investigates the implications of political fear emotion. It aims to investigate the potential consequences of political fear. This study examines the emotion of fear in relation to both ethics and politics. While fear enables individuals to escape threats and dangers, thereby facilitating their survival through functional outcomes, it also possesses a quality that significantly complicates their lives. Under the influence of the power that generates fear, individuals find themselves compelled to engage in actions they would otherwise not undertake. Within the realm of politics, where power hierarchies are most visible, the power representing political authority influences the actions of citizens who do not possess an equivalent level of power through the means of fear. This situation generates negative ethical and political consequences in the domain of politics where power is not determined by law. This study argues that the emotion of political fear is utilized by the political authority, which represents political power and its potential for exerting power to restrict the freedom of citizens. In order to establish a strong foundation for the arguments in this thesis, the description of fear in the classical and modern periods is initially presented. Considering the relationship between the emotion of fear and politics, and therefore power and freedom, a comprehensive definition of fear is put forward. The various components of the emotion of fear and how they contribute to its qualitative nature are demonstrated. Based on these findings, it is emphasized that the use of power is one of the creative elements of fear. Along with this claim, it is highlighted that not only the direct use of violence but also the possibility of power usage generates the emotion of fear. Consequently, it is proposed that the emotion of fear has the potential to reveal authoritative structures with power in politics. While acknowledging the necessity of the limited use of power for ordered and peaceful societies, it is revealed that the arbitrary usage and accessibility of power lead to political fear among citizens, thereby limiting their freedom. As political authorities with power, which cause citizens to experience political fear, have the capability to manipulate their decisions and actions, it is argued that the created atmosphere of political fear undermines personal autonomy. It is concluded that for citizens to live in a free society, they need to be free from political fear. To make freedom possible, it is claimed that the power of political authorities that produce or have the potential to produce political fear should be restricted. To eliminate political fear, this power needs to be limited by rational institutions or dispersed among citizens. Only through this process can it be demonstrated that freedom, which is eradicated by political fear, can fully emerge. Citizens have a need for freedom because freedom is a vital necessity by having its intrinsic value, and people would otherwise suffer without it.
Reconsidering urban political theory: A care based approach

(Graduate School, 2023-06-20) Baş, Ezgi Meriç ; Erbil Öğüt, Aslı ; 419201004 ; Political Studies

The first urban political theory was shaped by discussion of power relations in urban space. It regarded urban areas as where individuals, elites, or businesses compete for power to shape. Critical of this power-focused approach, Marxist theorists Castells and Harvey expanded the vision of urban political theory scope that mostly focused on processes of urban place and urbanization that harbors complexity and networks of relations of production and reproduction in capitalist society. Yet, this expansion was not inclusive enough for posty-positions of urban political theory; post-structuralist, post-colonialist, and post-Marxist theories argued that some of the human-related aspects which are directly or indirectly related to inclusion and exclusion in urban routines have been overlooked or missed by early theories. For example, the meanings communities attributed to specific public places, or individual attachments to private places were not elaborated until Tuan did so. Later urban political theories affiliated with care have been put by Lawson, Williams, and Till. Considering that humans are interdependent social and political actors who are simultaneously caregiving and care-receiving on a daily basis, I question the ways to make the urban political theory more inclusive. In finding inclusive urban political theory, the research benefits two concepts: oppression and intersectionality. Urban daily life experiences are affiliated with spatial and other forms of oppression implying that relations with designed space might imply a relation of domination. Harvey's definition of urbanization as an active process of hegemonically configuring the space with different ends brings about at least two contrast groups at a moment. Yet, when urban daily life is observed, the different kinds of multidimensional conflicts would be seen in terms of race, class, ethnicity, ability, age, gender, sex, and income taking place contextually. Indeed, as long as the urban political theory rejects interconnecting urban daily life experiences with oppression, it may not be able to achieve the targeted inclusivity of all since it will be lacking contextual inquiry. In this regard, I suggest the usage of intersectional methodology, a critical approach that provides the possibility of focusing on interlocking social categories such as class, gender, race, ethnicity, age, and ability while doing qualitative and quantitative social research to recognize and define individuals' and groups' unique biographies to reveal the hidden sorts of oppression embedded in the human actions. Discussions of oppression in intersectional scope reveals that care-based approach promises an inclusive urban political theory that can also covers overlooked-missed dimensions, namely emotions, contextuality, and relationality. Interdependency derives from the fact that humans are moral agents with autonomy, their agency is not atomistic and independent but shaped by relations that include emotions and contexts. Based on Joan Tronto's approach to democratic caring, urban societies could be evaluated through a care perspective. An analysis of who gets how much care in the urban context determines which needs are met and which are not would be a pointed start. I argue that urban political theory can identify urban problems through a care-based analysis by the method of intersectionality, and provide an alternative through attentive and responding care policies considering the interdependent and contextual characters of the relations within the society in order to reach out to the inclusivity concerning changing dynamics and contexts.
Hubris: A conceptual analysis and its influence on individuals and societies

(Graduate School, 2023-07-03) Erarslan, Edanur ; Koçan, Gürcan ; 419201002 ; Political Studies

This thesis aims to investigate whether the concept of hubris is inherently political in nature, by highlighting the role of individual and social influence intertwined with power. Hubris is known to cause social injustice and monotony as it stems from the desire to assert one's superiority by suppressing others. Thus, this study contends that the nature of hubris should be primarily discussed within the realms of ethics and politics. To achieve this, a methodological discussion is undertaken to demonstrate the interdependent effects of the individual and social manifestations of hubris, culminating in an integrative approach. The ideas on hubris from ancient, theological, enlightenment scholars, and contemporary thinkers are then explored to establish a solid foundation for the ensuing analysis. Utilizing the method of conceptual analysis, this study integrates auxiliary concepts such as arrogance, pride, vanity, narcissism, and pathological grandiosity, which share distinct parallels with hubris, to develop a comprehensive understanding of the concept. The thesis proceeds to examine the immorality of hubris through the lenses of three major ethical theories and ethical egoism, as well as the concept of pride as a virtue. By employing these theoretical frameworks, particularly MacIntyre's idea of justice as a virtue, it becomes evident why hubris contributes to injustice. Furthermore, the study delves into various examples of social hubris, illustrating its political nature and its inclusiveness at both the individual and social levels, as emphasized in the methodological approach. A close examination of the relationship between political hubris and politics as a form of friendship reveals the damaging effects of hubris on politics, solidarity, and ultimately, the common good. Finally, drawing on these insights, the dissertation proposes solutions to address the social injustice and monotony engendered by hubris, rooted in the principles of dialogic and deliberative democracy. Overall, this dissertation contributes to the ongoing discourse surrounding hubris, shedding light on its political nature and providing ethical insights that may help foster a more just and harmonious society.
What justifies liberal education in John Stuart Mill's theory of freedom?

(Graduate School, 2024-01-31) Yıldız, Ayşe İrem ; Çalkıvik, Emine Aslı ; 419201015 ; Political Studies

John Stuart Mill is among the prominent names of the classical liberalism movement and utilitarian ethics. He argues that freedom is the natural right of man and the source of development, therefore it cannot be limited by the state. For this reason, individualist readings of Mill are very common. However, the social interpretation of Mill is also possible. Therefore, it is necessary to look at Mill's work on liberal education since it has bold references to social development as well as individual progress. Mill uses the term liberal education in his speech at the University of St. Andrew and he explains the qualities of such an education. Since there is not a single agreement on what liberal education is there have been varied roles attributed to it. While it is considered to be the national training of citizens. It is also referenced as a marketplace to make a profit in the economic perspective of contemporary times. It used to be an aristocratic education for high classes during the Middle Ages. However, in the Enlightenment period, classical liberal tradition offered a new perspective and as one of the key figures in this period, J.S. Mill argues that man is free, and the existence of the abilities given to him from birth is proof that he is expected to use them freely. However, education, how people establish and develop the greatest civilization, ignores this nature of people. It makes them unable to use their innate abilities, let alone use them. Hence, education impedes both individual and social development. Mill explained the qualities of liberal education in his speech at the University of St. Andrew. According to Mill liberal education should recognize individual freedom because this will ensure individual development. An education that ensures individual freedom doesn't restrict people's interests, indeed should offer them options in line with their tastes and capacities. For this reason, the curriculum should be scientific, artistic, literary as well as philosophic. However, individuals' development should not be separated from the principle of freedom, therefore it is also important to create a society that embraces this principle. In other words, the purpose of liberal education is to ensure both individual and social development by protecting individual freedoms. Liberal education is a means to creating this structure without losing the individual will.
Violence as a tool for statecraft: What role political use of violence plays to form and sustain the state

(Graduate School, 2024-01-31) Akpınar, Ayşe ; Çalkıvik, Emine Aslı ; 419201014 ; Political Studies

In human history, violence has had a profound impact on social, political, and economic facets of existence. Violence against people can take many different forms, such as psychological, physical, and economical abuse. Systems of social injustice that obstruct the fulfilment of basic needs give rise to structural violence. It appears as invisible acts of discrimination, torture, and murder. As another form of violence, biases and attitudes are often the result of cultural or symbolic violence, which is shaped by social culture. Unfair power dynamics and opportunities in life are referred to as the invisible level. Even though violent acts may seem unsettling in today's society, historically states have utilized violence to forge and maintain their identities. In this thesis, the complex relationship between statecraft and violence has been examined, along with how it is employed to establish and sustain states; where the ethical and political boundaries of use of violence as statecraft are and if any possible necessity exists to use violence in statecraft. Violence, as was previously mentioned, has existed from the beginning of time. Historically, state-to-state wars have been the primary means of resolving political disputes. However, the Age of Enlightenment also brought new concepts to society, like freedom of religion, politics, and the economy. The question of why states occasionally threaten one another with violent expressions in the smallest political dispute is undoubtedly curious in today's world; even though freedom, fundamental rights, and modern world citizenship that emerged with the Age of Enlightenment should bring about a more peaceful political sphere make sense. Despite the difficulty of finding a straightforward solution, numerous academic disciplines are searching for solutions to the problem of violence. This thesis investigates the intricate connections between violence, governance, and state formation. Driven by the desire for historical justification and legitimation, it raises significant questions that highlight the moral and political boundaries of statecraft violence. One of the aims of the thesis is to determine the line separating the legitimate and illegitimate use of force in order to protect political order and national security. Besides that, it looks at the complex relationship that develops between violence, revolution, and constitution, bringing up issues with how violent upheavals affect social and legal frameworks. The relationship between the act of establishing power through force and the law is examined in this thesis as it explores the mechanisms of state establishment and maintenance through violence. The method used in this thesis includes a comparative theoretical analysis. The relations of the concepts of violence and the state with violence and its place in state affairs, the effects of constituent concepts of violence and law on each other, and finally, the effects of revolutionary violence on violence and the political sphere have been investigated comparatively. The comparative readings can be elaborated as follows: the differences in Niccolo Machiavelli and Max Weber's understanding of the state, how the state and the phenomena of violence interact with each other within an ethical and political boundary were mentioned. Later, the interaction between constitutive violence and laws was discussed through Edmund Burke and Michel Foucault. In the next section, topics such as how revolutions change the structure of a state, what violence means for a revolution, and whether every revolution ends in "bloody or with blood" are discussed through Thomas Paine, Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon. This discussion was conducted by taking the American Revolution as a case study. It has been discussed what kind of relationship there is between constitutive violence and constitutional formation in the establishment of the United States after the American Revolution, and what kind of necessity it has in state affairs. In order to make a meaningful contribution to the academic literature, this thesis compares the perspectives of thinkers who have not been compared in terms of political philosophy in order to discuss the phenomenon of violence and determine the moral and political boundaries of violence, as well as the role that violence plays in political use and the relationship between violence, revolution, and constitution. Whether or not it is morally acceptable to use violence as a tool of statecraft is up for debate. Some believe that violence is a necessary evil for maintaining law and order and protecting the country from its enemies. Some argue that violence is never appropriate and that there are always nonviolent ways to achieve political goals. These debates will likely continue for as long as states are in existence. A careful examination of political theory, history, and current events is necessary to comprehend the complex and nuanced relationship between violence and statecraft since there is currently no clear-cut, straightforward response to this claim. Indeed, the use of violence in statecraft is influenced by a wide range of factors. These include things like the state's rulers' aim to hold onto their rightful position of authority, the necessity of defending the state's borders and populace, and their worry for the welfare of the economy and society. Even though these reasons may be accepted as plausible causes for using violence as a tool for statecraft, the consequences of violence can be destructive most of the time. In summary, this thesis shows that the constituent violence that occurred during the establishment of the state is necessary for the continuity of the state, as long as its ethical and political boundaries are determined and protected within the framework of the laws, the phenomenon of violence will continue to exist on the basis of the state, but this phenomenon of violence should not be abused by those who hold political power in their personal interests, only the border security of the state, it argues that it can use it for defensive purposes in situations that endanger the independence and security of its citizens, and again perform these actions within ethical and political boundaries.
Nationalism, populism, and global governance: An inquiry into ideological tensions and normative challenges

(Graduate School, 2024-06-24) Najafi, Saman ; Uzer, Umut ; 419201010 ; Political Studies

This research explores the significant influence of nationalism and populism on the dynamics of global governance. The central research question investigates how these ideologies impact global governance structures and the normative challenges and ethical dilemmas they present. To address this, the study begins by defining and conceptualizing nationalism and populism, outlining their core features and examining their manifestations in contemporary politics. The rise of these movements is attributed to various socio-economic, cultural, and political factors, which are thoroughly analyzed to provide a comprehensive understanding of their drivers and dynamics. The research then shifts focus to the field of global governance, providing an overview of its structures and dynamics, including international organizations, treaties, and norms. The challenges posed by nationalist and populist movements to the effectiveness and legitimacy of global governance institutions are critically examined. This section highlights how these movements question the foundations of global cooperation, emphasizing national sovereignty and often undermining multilateral efforts. A key part of the study explores the intersections between nationalism, populism, and global governance. It delves into how these ideologies influence state behavior in global forums and negotiations, and assesses their impact on pressing global issues such as climate change, migration, and economic globalization. The normative challenges posed by these movements to democratic principles, including pluralism, minority rights, and political participation, are also examined. Additionally, the study discusses the ethical dilemmas associated with nationalist and populist ideologies in the context of global governance and international cooperation. Through detailed case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, the research provides in-depth analyses of how nationalist and populist movements have impacted global governance dynamics in specific countries. These case studies focus on the interactions between these movements, domestic politics, and global governance processes, offering concrete examples of the broader trends discussed. The responses of global governance institutions to the challenges posed by nationalist and populist movements are also explored. The study examines how international organizations and multilateral agreements have addressed these challenges and identifies potential strategies for reconciling nationalist and populist concerns with global governance goals. This includes discussions on dialogue, diplomacy, and compromise. In conclusion, the research summarizes the main findings and their implications for understanding the relationship between nationalism, populism, and global governance. It offers policy recommendations for addressing the challenges posed by these ideologies and suggests potential avenues for future research. These recommendations aim to provide a roadmap for policymakers and global governance practitioners to navigate the complex landscape shaped by the rise of nationalism and populism
Immigration and the rise of radical populist right parties in europe: The Resurgence of nationalism

(Graduate School, 2024-10-24) Bilgili, Zehra Nazlıcan ; Uzer, Umut ; 419191007 ; Political Studies

Popülizm günümüz siyasetinde en çok anlamaya uğraştığımız kavramlardan biridir. İnsan yaşamının varlığından beri süregelen göç olgusu bugün Avrupa'da Sağ Popülist siyaset çatısı altında bir sorun olarak ifade edilmektedir. Göçün bir sorun olarak ifade edilmesi milliyetçiliğin yükselişi ile paralel olarak gösterilmektedir. Bu çalışma Avrupa'da Radikal Sağ Partilerin yükselişinin göçle olan ilişkisini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. İlk olarak kavramsal karmaşadan kurtulmak amacıyla popülist siyaset biçimi teorik olarak ele alınmaktadır. Maalesef ki günümüzde hala popülizmin ne olduğuna dair soru işaretleri devam etmektedir. Kavramın tanımının yapılmasına dair zorluklar söz konusudur. Bu yüzden de bu kavram tanımlanmaya çalışılırken rastladığımız durum genellikle siyaset bilimcilerin kavramın ortak özelliklerinden bahsetmesiyle gerçekleşir. Popülizmin tanımını gerçekleştirmek isterken karşılaştığımız çıkmazlardan birisi bu kavramı ideoloji olarak mi yoksa siyaset yapma biçimi ya da bir araç olarak mı göreceğimiz ile ilgili olmaktadır. Elbette bu noktada çok farklı görüşler mevcuttur. Özellikle de mlilliyetçilik ile popülizm benzer çatı altında tutulduğu zaman popülizmin hangi kategori altında inceleneceği önem kazanmaktadır. Şüphesiz popülizmin özellikleriden bahsederken karşımıza çıkan ve popülizmin en temel özelliği olarak gösterebileceğimiz nokta popülist siyaset biçiminin halk ve seçkinler arasında gerçekleştirdiği politik ayrımdır. Bu noktadan itibaren sağ ve sol popülizmin benzer ve farklı yönleri incelenmektedir. Sol partiler göçmenler konusunda daha ılımlı bir yaklaşıma sahipken, sağ popülizmin tam tersi bir bakışa sahip olduğu görülmektedir. Sağ popülizmde, halk ve elitler arasındaki çatışma genellikle ulusal kimlik ve kültürel anlamda korunma üzerine kurulu olmaktadır. Bu noktada ulusal kimlik ve kültürel korunma anlamında düşman olarak gördükleri göçmenler üzerinden siyasal faaliyetlerini yürütmektedirler. Sağ ve sol popülizmin üzerindeki ortak ve farklı yönleri değerlendirirken dikkat etmemiz gereken nokta bu kavramın bölgesel olarak da farklılık taşıyan bir özelliğe sahip olmasıdır. Günümüzde, özellikle Avrupa'da sağ popülizm genellikle göç ve milliyetçilikle ilişkilendirilir. İnsanlık tarihinin başlangıcından itibaren devam eden göç olgusu, günümüzde Avrupa siyasetinde en çok tartışılan ve sorun olarak dile getirilen meselelerden biri haline gelmiştir. Bu sorun, büyük ölçüde sağ popülist siyasetin içinde şekillenmekte ve özellikle milliyetçiliğin yükselmesiyle paralel bir biçimde karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Çalışmamda Avrupa'daki radikal sağ partilerin yükselişinin göçle ilişkisini ve bu yükselişin milliyetçilikle nasıl iç içe geçtiğini incelemeyi amaçlıyoruz. Dolayısıyla popülizmin kavramının ne olduğu üzerine düşünmek kadar milliyeçilik ideolojisinin ne ifade ettiğini de anlamaya çalışmalıyız. Çünkü siyaset arenasında her kavramda ve ideolojide olduğu gibi net ve keskin ifadelere yer vermek zaman zaman zor olabilmektedir. Milliyetçilik de popülizm gibi zaman ve toplumsal bağlama dayalı olarak içeriği farklılaşan bir ideolojidir. Bu kavramların esnek bir yapıya sahip oluşları neticesinde popülizm ve milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişikiyi çözümleyebilmemiz zorlaşmaktadır. Bir ideoloji olarak milliyetçiliğin popülizm olgusu ile hangi anlamda örtüştüğü sorgulanmaktadır. Her ne kadar popülizm kadar bukalemun bir yapıya sahip olmasına rağmen milliyetçiliğn tanımlarından bahsetmek daha mümkün olmaktadır. Özellikle, popülizmle milliyetçilik arasındaki örtüşen noktaların araştırılması, her iki ideolojinin halk ile elitler arasındaki ilişkiyi nasıl tanımladığını anlamak açısından kritik bir rol oynamaktadır. Popülizm, halkın egemenliğini savunarak elitlere karşı bir meydan okuma gerçekleştirmektedir. Milliyetçilik de halkı (genellikle bir ulus ya da etnik gruptan bahsetmek mümkündür) savunma iddiasıyla belirli bir ulusal kimlik ve egemenlik fikrini vurgular. Ancak, bu noktada milliyetçilik ve popülizm aynı şey midir, yoksa bugün yeni bir milliyetçilik anlayışı mı ortaya çıkmıştır? sorusu, hem teoride hem de pratikte siyasal düzeni anlayabilmemiz açısından önemlidir. Bu sorunun yanıtını aramak bu iki kavramın hem örtüştüğü hem de ayrıştığı noktaları daha iyi anlamamıza olanak sağlayacaktır. Her ikisinde de halkı savunmak adına benzer bir söylem geliştirmesine rağmen bunların taşıdığı anlamlar ve hedefler yer yer değişmektedir. Bu nedenle, popülizm ile milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmak, yalnızca siyasal stratejileri anlamak için değil, aynı zamanda günümüz siyasetinin evrimini kavrayabilmek için de önemlidir. Ne yazık ki popülizmin ve milliyetçiliğin aynı anılması popülist siyasetinin özgüllüğünün kaybolmasına neden olmaktadır. Öyle ki bugün milliyetçiliğin yükselişi olarak tarif edilen durum aslında çok farklıdır. Özellikle Avrupa'da sağ partiler ile ilişkilendirilen milliyetçilik, ulus devleti kuran milliyetçilik kavramından çok daha başka bir noktadır. Milliyetçilik ve popülizm arasındaki ilişkiyi anlamadan, günümüz sağ popülist siyaseti tam olarak kavranamaz. Milliyetçilik, özellikle ulus-devletin inşası ve kimlik politikaları ile ilişkilendirilirken, günümüz sağ popülist hareketlerinde milliyetçilik çok daha farklı bir yönelim taşımaktadır. Bugün, milliyetçilik, ulusal kimliği ve kültürel değerleri savunma adına etnik bir ayrımcılıkla harmanlanmış bir formda ifade bulmaktadır. Popülizm ve milliyetçilik arasındaki bu örtüşme, özellikle Avrupa'da popülist hareketlerin güç kazanmasının temel sebeplerindendir. Dolayısıyla bugün Avrupa'da popülist sağ siyaseti anlamak için popülist milliyetçilik ve etnomilliyetçilik gibi kavramlar açığa çıkmıştır. Popülist siyaseti ve milliyetçilik ideolojisini birleştilmesi ile ortaya çıkan bu kavramlar aracılığıyla Avrupa'nın siyaset tarzı anlaşılmaya çalışılmaktadır. Nihayetinde popülizmin bukalemin doğası nedeniyle aslında bu ideolojik karmaşa gerçekleşmektedir. Son olarak göç kavramına odaklanılıp Avrupa'daki göç hareketleri ve sağ partilerin göçmenlere yönelik politikaları incelenmektedir. Göçmenlerin ülkelerine hem ekonomik hem de toplumsal zarar verdiğine yönelik algıya sahip olan Avrupa seçmeninin düşüncesini etkileyen faktörlere odaklanılmaktadır. Avrupa'da yapılan araştırmalar göstermektedir ki Avrupa ülkelerine gelen göçmenlerin hepsi aynı statüye konulmaktadır. Avrupa Birliği'nin göçmen konusunda eleştirilere maruz kalmasına rağmen araştırmalar göstermektedir ki mülteci ve düzensiz göçmen konusunda bir abartı söz konusudur. Çalışmamda beş farklı Avrupa ülkesinde (Almanya, Avusturya, Hollanda, İtalya, Fransa) yükselişe geçen sağ partilerin göçmenlere karşı olan tutumları ele alınmaktadır. Görülen odur ki beş farklı Avrupa ülkesindeki sağ partiler genellikle aynı eleştirel tavır içerisindedirler. Bu beş Avrupa ülkesindeki radikal popülist sağ partilerin göçmenlere yönelik tutumları aynı şekilde ilerlemektedir. Hepsi göçmenleri suçlu ilan eden bir bakış açısına sahiptirler. Son aşamada ise medyanın, göçmenlere olan bakış açısına etkisi ve sağ popülist siyasete ne ölçüde hizmet ettiği değerlendirilmektedir. Bugün radikal popülist sağ partilerin medya sayesinde göçmen tutumlarını değiştirebilecek güçleri vardır. Medya işbirliğinde seçmenler üzerinde algı ve tutum değiştirebilecek konular özellikle gündemde tutulmaktadır. Sonuç olarak popülizm, milliyetçilik ile işbirliği içerisinde olan fakat eş değer tutulamayacak bir siyaset yapma biçimidir. Popülizm, milliyetçilik ideolojisinin özelliklerini ödünç almakla birlikte ona dönüşmemektedir. Göç Avrupa'da yeni gerçekleşen bir olay değil, insanlık tarihinden itibaren sürekli devam eden bir süreçtir. Bugün düzensiz göç ve mülteci krizi adı altında ile daha fazla yankı bulan göç konusunun medyanın da dahil edilmesi ile birlikte Avrupa'da yükselişe geçen sağ popülist siyasetin milliyetçilikten öteye geçen göçmenlere yönelik bir algı ve tutum içerisinde olduğu sonucuna varılmaktadır. Avrupa'daki sağ popülist partilerin yükselmesinin, göçmenler üzerindeki olumsuz algılarla doğrudan ilişkili olduğunu vurgulamaktadır. Popülizm, milliyetçilik ve göç arasındaki etkileşimler, Avrupa'da politikaların şekillenmesinde belirleyici bir rol oynamaktadır. Medyanın, bu ideolojik ve toplumsal süreçlerdeki etkisi, popülist siyasetin gücünü pekiştiren önemli bir faktör olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır.
How to understand sovereignty through the prism of cosmopolitan morality

(Graduate School, 2024-11-18) Sarıkaya, Yağız Kağan ; Koçan, Gürcan ; 419191006 ; Political Studies

Human history is shaped by complex dynamics influenced by major transformations and divisions. These dynamics have continuously altered political, economic, and cultural structures, guiding the evolution of social organizations. Throughout history, humanity has formed various political and social units in response to changing needs, and these units have undergone transformations based on social, cultural, and moral developments. Tribes, religious communities, trade unions, political parties, and states represent historical examples of social groups, each with its own rules, structures, and definitions. To understand the concept of sovereignty, it is essential to explore its philosophical trajectory and evolution. Sovereignty is traditionally defined as the state's authority to exercise its will independently within its borders, free from external interference. However, globalization, social inequalities, environmental disasters, pandemics, and wars have necessitated a reevaluation of sovereignty. While modern states maintain their independence within national borders, these global challenges require increased international cooperation and collective solutions. Therefore, the concept of sovereignty must be reconsidered in light of current global conditions. From a global perspective, sovereignty is no longer confined to internal matters of states but has become a shared issue for individuals and the international community. This paper examines how sovereignty can be reinterpreted in a global context and its implications for social and political structures. It is based on the assumption that the traditional notion of sovereignty is inadequate and that new institutional and political approaches are required. Sovereignty, especially with the Peace of Westphalia and the revolutions of the 18th century, has been grounded in the nation-state system. Today, it emphasizes the right of states to maintain independence within their borders and to be protected from external interference. While this principle has underpinned nationalism and nation-state politics, global developments since the 20th century have shown that sovereignty cannot be limited to internal issues. The process of globalization, increasing international trade, the rapid flow of information, environmental crises, and human rights violations require a reassessment of state sovereignty. Many modern issues are transnational, prompting a shift towards international collaboration and a more collective, global approach to sovereignty. Cosmopolitan morality, which advocate for the universal rights and equality of all humans, should extend into political theory as cosmopolitan sovereignty. This idea moves beyond the sovereignty of nation-states, proposing a global political union centered on individual rights and freedoms. In this view, human rights violations should be seen as a global issue, not just a domestic one. This requires a sense of responsibility beyond national borders and emphasizes international solidarity. Today's global challenges, such as climate change, pandemics, armed conflicts, and poverty, cannot be addressed within the confines of nation-states alone. Cosmopolitan sovereignty suggests that solving such issues requires international cooperation, with states acting together based on shared values. The implementation of cosmopolitan sovereignty, however, is a difficult process, as it involves balancing national sovereignty with global justice and equality. States must adopt a collective approach to global issues while still safeguarding national interests. Human rights, as a fundamental aspect of cosmopolitan sovereignty, are not limited to the internal affairs of nation-states but are universal rights for all humanity. The protection of these rights is a global responsibility, as human rights violations have increasingly become a global issue. For example, environmental disasters, such as climate change, affect not only local or national populations but pose a global threat. The actions of countries emitting the most carbon affect vulnerable regions and exacerbate global inequalities. This environmental injustice calls for the need for environmental justice and the protection of human rights. Global problems, such as the refugee crisis, wars, and ethnic cleansing, also transcend national boundaries. These issues demand international cooperation and solidarity, as they affect entire regions or the global community. The Covid-19 pandemic, for instance, demonstrated how a health crisis could quickly spread across borders, affecting social, economic, and cultural connections globally. These challenges require collective action based on shared moral values, as they are no longer the sole concern of individual nations but of the entire international community. Cosmopolitan sovereignty thus challenges the traditional notion of sovereignty based on nation-states, advocating for a global perspective. It calls for a normative framework that transcends national borders, urging the international community to collaborate on global issues, including human rights, environmental protection, and global peace. Sovereignty, from this cosmopolitan standpoint, is not merely a theoretical concept but a practical responsibility that requires global cooperation. International solidarity and cooperation are essential for addressing global challenges and ensuring justice, equality, and sustainability. The inadequacy of the current definition of sovereignty arises from its reliance on a geopolitical understanding rooted in the concept of the nation-state. Instead, sovereignty should be defined through a perspective of power that is based on cosmopolitan morality and requires all individuals to act as part of a global and environmental community, encompassing a set of principles that draw from both utilitarian and deontological approaches. The concept of national sovereignty is inherently contradictory. This constitutes a two-level problem: one at the ideal level, and the other in practical terms. In practice, this concept needs to be criticized, as it contradicts the necessity for equal consideration of interests. In this context, institutionalization is essential. There is a need to focus on the concerns about the pressures that power can create and to build a critical mindset. It is necessary to argue for a critical public space in order to ensure secure cosmopolitan institutionalization and reduce the risk of corruption. Furthermore, if institutionalization is to occur, it is crucial to develop a framework of thought that examines the behavior of these institutions in a holistic manner. If cosmopolitan morality are grounded in a foundation that does not include a critical mindset, they could turn into a source of oppression. Therefore, a critical mindset is required; otherwise, there is a risk of a shift from cosmopolitanism to particularism. In conclusion, the fight against global problems requires moving beyond the traditional understanding of sovereignty and adopting a broader humanitarian perspective. The principles of human rights, equality, and environmental protection are global responsibilities. Therefore, every individual and state must contribute to this responsibility and act toward common global goals. Cosmopolitan sovereignty extends beyond national borders to encompass the entire global community. This approach necessitates a new normative framework, a shared ethical system, and international cooperation to address global crises. In this context, cosmopolitan sovereignty is not only a moral stance but also a practical necessity for safeguarding human rights, protecting the environment, and establishing global peace.
Development as an apparatus of liberal governmental intervention: USA and Türkiye in the early cold war period

(Graduate School, 2025-01-20) Kahraman, Muhammet Salih ; Uzer, Umut ; 419211007 ; Political Studies

Government is the right disposition of things. This means not only the management of people but the administration of the complex whole of relationships between people and things. In liberal government, intervention is a necessity that is considered reasonable under certain conditions. Liberal government in the Foucauldian sense exists through the mechanisms of knowledge/power that it brings into existence through certain political rationalities. The interventionist aspect of liberal government in practice has not been limited to societies where liberal values are embedded. A new form of liberal intervention manifested itself when the free market model idealized in liberal societies and the understanding of liberal government were put forward as a model for countries marked as underdeveloped. The US-led "developmentalism" after World War II is a clear example of such an intervention. The development apparatus derived its governmental techniques from US experiences such as the "progressive era" and the "new deal". This context invites an examination of how these reports and programs are constructed and what they omit. Development programs and reports claim to improve people's lives based on scientific and technical expertise. The analysis of liberal governmentality aims to scrutinize in detail the practices of government, the tools and techniques invented for government, and the subjects affected and influenced. This "analytic" includes the history of political ideas and the genealogy of governmental technologies. Türkiye was an early beneficiary of US aid due to its geostrategic position and its willingness to join the Western bloc. The Thornburg Report (1949) and the Barker (IBRD) Report (1951) prepared during this period stand out as the texts describing how developmental reforms in line with the liberal market model should be implemented in Türkiye. These reports criticized the experience of statist industrialization in Türkiye and the weight of the state in economic activities as a source of "inefficiency". For economic development, private enterprise had to be supported, accounting and business techniques had to be rationalized, road and transportation infrastructure had to be improved, and rural areas had to be included in the market. The organization of the economic system and technological infrastructures prevented the spread of prosperity and economic profit throughout society. The development reports prepared by US experts during the early Cold War years are interventions that aim to "improve" Türkiye's economic and institutional framework with a liberal rationale. By redefining the everyday realities of peasants or factory workers with technical categories and statistical data, these interventions impose a set of recommendations and obligations on how they "should live". However, all these attempts at regulation are limited both by unpredictable socio-economic processes at the local level and by the political objections of different actors who remain outside the development discourse or resist it. Therefore, rather than the success or failure story of "development," the thesis focuses on the question "how is it intervened, guided by what knowledge and whose authority, and within what political boundaries and conflicts?" and discusses through early Cold War development reports in Türkiye.

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